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“Returning home to New York City after a summer in London and, latterly, Liverpool (where I helped launch a new book on Jeremy Corbyn) revealed a sharp contrast in prevailing moods. In Britain, for those of us on the left, there is a prospect of meaningful change. However much Corbyn’s electoral ambitions are derided by his critics on the right, mainstream politics holds the potential of a genuine alternative. In the US, no such optimism exists. Faced with the choice of the consummate inside-the-Beltway Hillary Clinton and the splenetic xenophobia of Donald Trump, a better future seems achingly distant. Despair flattens the voices of my New York pals.”
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Election season is winding down, but it appears likely that a new book will help keep the partisan rancor burning bright. OR Books, an independent publisher based in New York, says it will publish “Hillary Clinton: The Goldman Sachs Speeches” in January.
The 160-page book includes leaked content from speeches Clinton made to the investment bank shortly after she stepped down as secretary of state. The texts of the talks were initially released in October by WikiLeaks and had been hacked from a breach in the e-mail account of John Podesta, Clinton’s campaign manager.
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Saudi Arabia has become by far the number one purchaser of US weapons, with $115 billion deals under the Obama administration alone. Congress has just rubber-stamped every single one, says author and activist Medea Benjamin.
Saudi Arabia carried out 158 executions, 63 for non-violent drug crimes last year, often through public beheadings. Early this year, it executed 47 men for terrorism-related offenses, including the prominent Shia cleric Sheikh Nimr al-Nimr. It practices gender apartheid against women, who are not allowed to drive, are banned from most jobs, and are controlled by male guardians. It prohibits freedom of expression, including freedom of religion. Homosexuals can be put to death.
It promotes a fundamentalist form of Sunni Islam throughout the Muslim world known as Wahhabism, which sanctifies violence against those considered infidels or apostates, including Sufis and Shiites. The autocratic Saudi royal family, whose wealth is estimated at 1.4 trillion dollars, lives in unimaginable extravagance, and often decadence. Yet Saudi Arabia is considered one of the US’ closest allies in the Middle East.
RT: Let’s talk about this special relationship with Saudi Arabia, especially in light of the fact, as you point out in the book, the US now takes only 13 percent of Saudi oil…
Medea Benjamin: Yes, certainly the relationship was started out on the basis of oil when the Saudi Kingdom was first established in 1932, then oil was discovered in the 1930s, and then for 12 different administrations, Republican and Democrat, a close relationship with the Saudis based on oil. But as the years went by, the US produced more of its own oil, imported more from Canada, and so oil is not as important as it was. The US wants to be able to control where that oil goes to other countries. But the relationship has really started to shift in terms of what is the big focus, and I think the big focus is now that they have become the number one purchaser of US weapons by far. $115 billion over the last eight years – that is just under the Obama administration alone. It is a staggering sum, and it is amazing that it has been 43 different deals just under the Obama administration, and Congress has just rubber-stamped every single one.
RT: What about Saudi society? Give us a profile what Saudi Arabia is like.
MB: One of the most repressive countries in the world, where there is no freedom of assembly, freedom of speech, no political parties, no unions allowed, where dissent is treated as treason. You can be beheaded for insulting Islam, for insulting the King, for spreading atheism, for being convicted of being a homosexual, for sorcery. There is discrimination against entire groups of people like women who are not only forced to fully cover in public, it is the only country where women aren’t allowed to drive. A guardianship system where women have to have a male legal guardian from the day they’re born to the day they die. It is the most sex-segregated society in the world. Immigrant population, which is huge – of a 30 million population, 10 million are migrant workers, many of whom are coming from some of the poorest countries in the world and are treated like indentured servants.
RT: Let’s talk about how they are treated.
MB: First, let’s say slavery was only eliminated in 1962 in Saudi Arabia, and with this huge oil money that has flooded the country, many people, including middle-class Saudis, have used the money to bring in foreign workers and it is a sponsorship program. You can’t just say: “I’m from the poor country in Bangladesh, I am going to go try my luck in Saudi Arabia.”. You have to have a sponsor, and the sponsor then becomes like your owner – you couldn’t even leave the country if you don’t get permission from your employer. And you’re treated like an indentured servant. You have no redress, you have no ability to fight back, the only thing you can do is try to contact your embassy, and good luck if they’re going to come to your town…
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“This is a fascinating account of why—as well as how—Jeremy became leader of the Labour Party and transformed our politics. For anyone engaged in this movement, understanding precisely how we came to be where we are can only make us more effective as we go forward. That’s why Alex Nunns’ book is so important.”
—John McDonnell, Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer
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Just 18 months ago, Labour Party activists were despondent at losing the 2015 general election. “The Blairites, in particular,” writes Nunns, “saw the defeat as an opportunity to launch a counter-revolution and reclaim the party. But there was no appetite for a return to a political project scarred by the financial crash, privatisation and war.”
In fact, restiveness in the party had begun under Ed Miliband. The optimism around his election in 2010, when tens of thousands of new members joined, faded as his radical ideas were boxed in by the acceptance of austerity-lite by Ed Balls’ Shadow Treasury team, angering many union leaders who wanted a more hopeful message. But with the Blairites’ vice-like grip over the party’s organisation now weakening, the unions were able to push for more leftwing parliamentary candidates ahead of the 2015 election.
Ironically, it was a push back against this trend that gave the party its new method for selecting a leader. Under pressure from the rightwing Progress faction, Ed Miliband junked the electoral college – an “act of real leadership,” enthused Tony Blair. But the abolition of the MPs’ decisive one-third share of the vote in a leadership election would later operate to Jeremy Corbyn’s advantage. By then, impotent Blairites were disowning the reform they had championed, blaming it all on Ed Miliband.
The post-2015 Blairite narrative, that Labour had lost the election because it was too leftwing, quickly disintegrated. Labour canvassers felt instinctively it was wrong and subsequent academic research proved them right. Above all, it couldn’t explain Labour’s wipe-out in Scotland. A more telling reason for Labour’s defeat was that a majority of voters no longer knew what the party stood for.
Given the state of the organised left in the party in 2015, especially the Campaign for Labour Party Democracy and Labour Representation Committee, many felt pessimistic about the prospects of a leftwing leadership candidate. But there were weaknesses on the other side too. “The prizing of conformity over talent,” observes Nunns, “had produced a lesser quality of MP, reflected in the clutch of mediocre hopefuls initially vying to replace Miliband.” Ultimately the combination of new blood demanding an anti-austerity candidate and a burgeoning online campaign began to reshape the political landscape. When favourite Chuka Umunna pulled out and soft-left hopeful Andy Burnham lurched to the right, a yawning gap opened up for a real leftwing alternative. Step forward Jeremy Corbyn, a man of principle but with virtually no political enemies.
The story of how Corbyn got the necessary nominations just in time is grippingly told, culminating in John McDonnell going down on his knees to beg the last few reluctant MPs to sign up.
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